Game, set and match: beyond the endgame in Zimbabwe

There is now no doubt in Samuel Beckett’s famous expression, that we have reached the endgame in Zimbabwe. No doubt, except in the minds of the governments of both South Africa and that unhappy country. Our task now is to turn the endgame into a bold new beginning, as speedily and as intelligently as possible.

By any definition of a modern state – a functioning economy, effective public service, distinct civil society comprising media, courts and related institutions – Zimbabwe barely exists. The empty supermarket shelves and marauding militias we saw are final, unavoidable proof: the self-destructive policies set in motion seven years ago by President Robert Mugabe have destroyed the country.

Mugabe’s desperate attempts since 2000 to stave off his own defeat at the polls, via land-grabs, constitutional gerrymandering and police-state thuggery, have sent the economy into freefall while eclipsing any vestiges of a free and democratic process.

It is hard to overstate what that ruination means for those who live there. In effect, Zimbabwe today is a vampire state that has turned on its own people.

Inflation stands at 4 500% – the world’s highest – though independent analysts push this figure closer to 9 000%. Mugabe’s “solution” has been to print more money – thus escalating the cycle of inflation – and to order retailers to slash prices by 50%.

This latest ploy, which has hastened the rush to endgame, is a shocking instance of vampirism at its worst: the selfsame militias enforcing the price-slashes seize goods, and resell them on the black market. The Mail & Guardian’s Trevor Ncube (in an interview with Moneyweb Radio this week) calls this “looting by those who happen to be privileged” – a frankly military operation intended to scuttle the hostile business community.

It is the same with the land invasions, the destruction of urban squatter camps, and the repression of the country’s media, political opposition and trade unions. “Politics in Zimbabwe”, says long-time Mugabe critic Archbishop Pius Ncube, “is all about Mugabe’s survival.”

The crisis has been developing for many years. As long ago as the mid-‘80s, Mugabe masterminded the killing of thousands of opponents in Matabeleland, foreshadowing today’s wanton destruction.

As a result, the apocalypse – mass starvation and a headlong flight from the country, chiefly into South Africa – has arrived. According to the United Nations, South Africa must now brace itself for “arguably the most extraordinary exodus of people from a country not at war.”

How has our government reacted? After all, in his dealings with our northern neighbour President Mbeki has long echoed the famed “special relationship” of Britain and the USA, maintaining economic links, staving off international criticism and maintaining warm fraternal ties with ZANU-PF.

When SADC tasked President Mbeki last year with brokering talks between Mugabe and the opposition MDC, it was a covert admission that our government’s policy of “quiet diplomacy” had failed to set Zimbabwe on the right course. Mugabe’s contempt for the subsequent talks in Pretoria – which the South African tax-payer is funding – was confirmed this week, when ZANU-PF failed to appear.

Our Foreign Minister, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, previously “concerned”, now added: “There must be a good reason why they did not turn up. I don’t think it was a sign of wanting to pull out because they are committed to mediation”. In fact, it is almost certain Mugabe ordered the pull-out himself.

Faced with this humiliating rejection of our mediation efforts, and the unfolding collapse which has seen our nationals arrested for failing to reduce prices, the Foreign Minister jetted off on a state visit to – of all places – Cuba. Thus has Mbeki’s government once more washed its hands of responsibility, and abetted Mugabe’s survival programme.

Another aspect of our government’s neglect, not to say dereliction, was highlighted by the DA this week. A Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement between our two countries, which would have protected our investments and South African-owned farms from take-over, still awaits government’s signature after five long years.

While The Citizen labelled our cop-out “pathetic”, and Die Burger described it as “beyond pathetic”, columnist Xolela Mangcu was more scathing. The ANC-led government’s aiding of Mugabe, out of misplaced “racial nationalism”, is “shameful… we have squandered our moral authority in defence of an irredeemable monster.”

The question remains: what can South Africa do to salvage from the wreckage a new start for Zimbabwe? I want to argue that the stronger and more widely supported the international case to arraign him, the stronger the threat of such prosecution can be used to prise Mugabe out of office.

International pressure does impact on Mugabe’s hold on power. Firstly, one way to confirm Mugabe’s pariah status is to bar him from international gatherings and so embolden his associates to urge his resignation.

This week, I accordingly wrote to the Prime Minister of Portugal, Jose Socrates, urging that his country rescind its recent invitation to the Zimbabwean President to attend a joint EU/AU Summit in Lisbon later this year. Such invitations give credence to Mugabe’s actions, when what is needed is a concerted international effort that such behaviour – and Mugabe’s rule in general – will no longer be tolerated.

Yet it is as important to pressurise the international community to consider charging Mugabe for crimes against humanity at the International Criminal Court.

According to the Rome Statute – founding document of the International Criminal Court – the definition of crimes against humanity includes murder, forcible transfer of a population, imprisonment or deprivation of physical liberty, torture, persecution, and other inhumane acts causing great suffering or injury to the health of a civilian population.

If we survey his record dispassionately, Mugabe can be found guilty of all of these. He has committed murder, caused hundreds of thousands of people to be displaced, persecuted, imprisoned and tortured those who have opposed him and subjected his people to mass starvation.

Another Commonwealth country has taken this necessary step. Last year, the Canadian Parliament set in motion a probe to try Mugabe for crimes against humanity, should he ever set foot on Canadian soil. Their Justice Minister found the only thing hindering them was the diplomatic immunity – a hallmark of international law – afforded to heads of state.

However, should Mugabe cease to head Zimbabwe, his immunity against prosecution will fall away. The dossier stands; like dictators before him, such as Argentina’s Augusto Pinochet or Slobodan Milosevic of the former Yugoslavia, Zimbabwe’s ruler can be called to account for his actions while head of state.

While a year ago it may have been credibly argued that the option of asylum and freedom from prosecution might have enticed Mugabe from office, this is no longer an option. Mugabe has snubbed all previous attempts to resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe and therefore no longer deserves to be offered this or any other alternative: he has run out of time and must now face the full consequences for his actions.

Ultimately, the strength of the case to try must be advanced as loudly and persuasively as possible, in order to bring salvation to the citizens of our stricken neighbour. What is critical is that Mugabe and his inner circle be forced to step down.

We need to act vigorously and unambiguously if we are begin the long, painful process of restoring a shattered country to life. The endgame is over; beginning anew will call for all our courage as well as our compassion.

Best Wishes

Helen Zille
A weekly letter from the Leader of the Democratic Alliance, South Africa

This entry was posted on Friday, July 13th, 2007 at 5:18 pm and is filed under NewsWax, Vox Populi. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0 feed. | 1 views | Trackback | Print this page |

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