Laura Morgan chairs the Child Support
Committee of the Family Law Section of the American Bar Association.
She is also one of the world's most devoted advocates of the current
child support system. Through
a variety of activities she has turned this passion into an integral
part of her career.
Among her ongoing activities, is the
maintenance of a sophisticated
website that promotes acceptance of the new system, through information
and advice on how the laws should be perceived.
When a
Georgia court declared their child support guidelines unconstitutional,
Laura Morgan responded immediately and with characteristic intensity.
She criticized the ruling and promised a series of articles in rebuttal.
This article is a response to
the first of those articles, which is entitled The
Constitutionality of Child Support Guidelines, Part I.
As legal support for her position,
Laura Morgan focuses on relatively recent unsuccessful or partially
unsuccessful challenges to child support law while ignoring the previous
two hundred years of constitutional case precedent.
Perhaps the key element of her argument
is an implicit claim allowing unlimited expansion of federal powers
"in pursuit of the general welfare" even when they compete directly
with fundamental individual rights. (Through an explicit claim: "The
child support regulations enacted by the Department of Health and
Human Services passed constitutional muster on all points, because
the adequate support of children was clearly in pursuit of the general
welfare.")
Federal government power is limited
by the Constitution, with states maintaining governmental powers outside
of explicitly defined federal interests. A broad respect for protection
of fundamental, derivative, and unspecified individual rights is mandatory,
by explicit language in the Bill of Rights and later amendments.
Current child support laws were developed
with a claim that enforcement of child support orders is related to
"welfare" spending. It is prudent to point out that there is a general
welfare clause in the United States Constitution. But it does
not refer to the kind of "welfare" supported by the welfare system.
The welfare system was a later invention constructed on states' rights
and powers. To relate the two instances of the word "welfare" directly
is either an expression of ignorance, an intentional lie, or extremely
dry humor.
The child support laws in Georgia
were declared unconstitutional for violating due process, equal protection,
the right of privacy, and the prohibition stated in the Georgia Constitution
against taking property. The decision does not involve the popular
political rhetoric that gave rise to the new child support system.
It is not a decision, for example, on whether it is right for "fathers
to abandon mothers and children." The decision does not interfere
with one parent's ability to obtain child support from another or
the state's legitimate power to order child support payments. It says
directly and explicitly that "child support" awards must be for child
support and the amount must be rationally related to circumstances.
Both parents have a duty to support their children. This is a reiteration
of the established rational basis for child support. The
ruling aims to effectively return the rule of law to child support
decisions in Georgia.
Child support guidelines, as we know
them today are presumptively correct. The presumption is a direct
and extremely obvious challenge to due process. Due process is a fundamental
right. When a fundamental right is at stake, the most careful standard
of review, known as "strict scrutiny" is required. Presumptively correct
child support guidelines however, have never faced strict scrutiny
in the courts.
The Georgia court took just one step
beyond totally ignoring the resoundingly obvious flaws in child support
guidelines and the detrimental impact of the presumption. (The court
applied the intermediate test rather than the lowest standard of review.)
Quite predictably and appropriately, the presumptive use of the Georgia
state child support guideline was found to be unconstitutional. “Further,
if this Court were only to apply the lowest standard of scrutiny,
i.e., whether the Guidelines bore a rational relationship to a legitimate
government purpose, the Guidelines would still fail."
Federal funding for the child support
enforcement system has been like a cash-stuffed envelope taped to
a Christmas present. The Honorable Dane Perkins of the Superior Court
of Atkinson County, the judge who declared the Georgia guideline unconstitutional,
was not hindered from his responsibilities by the money in the envelope.
He did not pause to admire the brightly colored wrapping paper. He
pulled open the lid of the box and looked inside. What he found was
a tangled web of arbitrary rules and capricious use of government
power. The case was decided on constitutional grounds and it is easy
to illustrate the basic issues through a hypothetical example.
Because of the weighty emotional issues
and common myths involved in that child support debate it may be wise
to create an example outside the debate. The illustration below hypothesizes
a new law and provides a parallel to the legal defense of the current
child support system. I am confident that many payers who are subject
to current child support laws will easily understand the comparison.
They are in a position that is analogous to that of Laura Morgan in
the illustration below. They understand, as a matter of direct experience,
that current child support laws are arbitrary and that both the federal
government and the states have overstepped their boundaries. A great
many payers understand as a matter of direct experience the overwhelming
damage that this behavior can and has caused. I should forewarn readers
who might be unfamiliar with the issue that once removed from the
context of "deadbeat dad" propaganda the absurdity of the logic of
the current child support system in amazingly obvious.
Life without basic constitutional
protections and without limits to government power is absurd in a
nightmarish sort of way, as many immigrants can testify from personal
experience. "Children," it may be reasoned, "are the nation's most
valuable resource" and therefore should be subject to federal regulation
"in pursuit of the general welfare."
Therefore, let us imagine that reformists
decide that billions of dollars may be offered to states from the
federal budget on condition that they charge parents one million dollars
each for permission to see their children. Politicians promise to
"end child abuse as we know it" and a new bureaucracy is created to
manage a child welfare program for collecting a million dollars from
every parent. Let us imagine, hypothetically, what Laura Morgan's
position might be if she is ordered to pay one million dollars to
see her children.
The state, supported and encouraged
by the new agency (which depends on the new laws for its survival),
presumes that Laura Morgan, like all other parents, is not fit to
parent for failure to pay and enforces the new law against her. Her
children are taken into state care. Not incidentally, the state has
also been told that it will lose millions of dollars in federal funding
if it does not enforce the law in every case.
State courts are hesitant to overturn
the law because this funding is at stake. Laura Morgan objects, saying
that her inability or unwillingness to pay one million dollars to
the state does not prove that she is an unfit mother. She further
contends that even if the state does have a legitimate purpose for
charging parents, the specific amount demanded - one million dollars
- lacks any rational basis. The amount is arbitrary.
Both the state and federal courts
respond that states have the authority, generally speaking, to create
and enforce laws that benefit children. Since the intent of the law
is to protect children from unfit parents, the state has not overstepped
its authority.
What exactly is in the best interest
of children is often a "subjective judgment." (P.O.P.S v. Gardner
declared child support judgments "subjective" after failing to find
any objective explanation for the amounts determined by the Washington
State guidelines and followed this reasoning.) Therefore, the state
may decide how to determine whether parents are fit. The court fails
to note in this judgment that the state merely implemented a law in
pursuit of federal funds. The court dismisses Laura Morgan's claim
that the state has not actually shown that she is unfit, finding a
basis for that decision in the state law that says that she is unfit
if she does not pay one million dollars.
The court does state as fact, that
the figure of one million dollars was not arbitrarily determined.
It was recommended by the owner of one of the private businesses that
profits from collecting the money. He said somewhere that he got the
figure from someone else who he regards as highly qualified in some
field. It doesn’t matter what field; it sounded impressive. The guy
has a Ph.D. and everything.
In addition, the state convened a
special review committee, composed of politically appointed members
who mostly work for the bureaucracy that depends on the federal funding
for its survival. The committee approved the recommendation. Because
of this concurrence of outside opinion the court dismisses Laura Morgan's
claim that one million dollars is an arbitrary amount. In doing so
they note that every parent must pay the same amount to maintain the
right to see their children. Requiring exactly the same amount in
every case encourages uniformity in the application of law. This makes
the claim that it is arbitrary to require the same of Laura Morgan
seem counter-intuitive.
The case, reported widely in the media
for weeks thereafter, is filled with contempt for people who like
Laura Morgan, "avoid responsibility and abandon their children to
state care." "What's worse," one TV commentator opines, "is a nation
that lets them get away with it." (Quoting an ABC commentator's remarks
on child support in the mid-1990s.)
Officials within the new agency consider
the mounting number of children in state care. They argue that all
parents should be forced to fulfill their responsibilities. Six months
later, another law is passed and Laura Morgan is ordered to pay one
million dollars anyway, even though she has "forfeited the right to
see her children." The case is immediately turned over to a collection
agency with an order to garnish her wages. The collection agency keeps
fifteen percent of the amount they collect. In addition, the law provides
that Laura Morgan must pay interest on the unpaid debt as well as
processing fees and penalties.
With nearly all of her income taken,
she finds that only part of it goes to pay the "debt" while the debt
continually increases. If she avoids compliance, she goes to jail.
Unable to afford power lunches, Laura Morgan loses her position as
Chair the Child Support Committee of the Family Law Section of the
American Bar Association. She realizes that her children could not
spend much time with her even if the law allowed it. She isn't allowed
to keep enough of her income to properly feed herself. It has also
become obvious that she cannot afford to hire a lawyer to battle the
injustice. She reduces her workload to spend more time fighting for
herself. (This is before another law is passed requiring revocation
of her drivers and professional licenses.)
The collection agency notices that
her income has been voluntarily reduced; a court sentences her to
six months in prison for evading her parental responsibility to pay
the debt. While in jail Laura Morgan realizes that this problem, created
by an arbitrary rule and capricious use of government power, is not
a temporary one. A few months later, she takes her own life, leaving
a lengthy note describing her ordeal and her conclusion that she had
nothing left to live for but continual agony.
A politician who pulled in two million
dollars in campaign contributions from people who profit from the
law, is quoted by a newspaper the following day. "Suicide, like all
of human psychology is complicated. There is no way to determine the
cause of a suicide." (Actual response to child support related suicides.)
The constitutional case against current
child support law is not about the overly politicized issue of child
support. It is about basic constitutional rights. The promotion of
arbitrary benefits and unwarranted profits for the divorce industry
need to give way to awareness of constitutional rights. What Laura
Morgan and other political advocates fail to consider is that if government
power is unlimited and we have no individual rights to protect against
arbitrary intrusions, the imaginary scenario described above is as
easily possible as the child support system as we know it today. The
defense of constitutional rights, regardless of the particular issue
or political context in which they are threatened, is vital to us
all.