Iraqi Women Brutalized by Saddam
February 13, 2003
by
Wendy McElroy
Before and after Sept. 11, politically correct feminists crusaded for
Afghan women oppressed by the Taliban. By contrast, little outrage has
been expressed over the treatment of Iraqi women under Saddam Hussein.
The silence may be currently appropriate -- feminist goals should play
no role in forming foreign policy. But the contrast between the two
reactions is puzzling, especially in the face of horror stories coming
out of Iraq.
Amnesty International has documented the brutal
executions of Iraqi women accused of prostitution. For example,
Najat Mohammad Haydar, an obstetrician in Baghdad, was beheaded in October
2000 after criticizing corruption within local health services. According
to another report,
in October 2000 "a group of men led by Saddam Hussein's son Uday, beheaded
with knives 50 young women in Baghdad. The heads of these women were
hung on the doors of their houses for a few days."
The Iraq
Foundation joins Amnesty International in chronicling human rights
violations, such as the methods of torture in prison, which include
rape and "bringing in a female relative, especially the wife or the
mother, and raping her in front of the detainee."
Why then does the Feminist
Majority site have a "Help Afghan Women" button but no "Help Iraqi
Women?" Why does an Oct.
10, 2002 press release from NOW warn, "A U.S. invasion of Iraq will
likely entail ... dangers to the safety and rights of Iraqi women who
currently enjoy more rights and freedoms than women in other Gulf nations,
such as Saudi Arabia."
Why does Women's eNews run an article
by Yasmine Bahrani who states, "As it happens, women's equality
is one of the few aspects of the nation's ruling ideology ... that has
survived the brutality that has marked Iraqi political life."
The theme seems to be that Saddam may brutally violate human rights
but his presence is good for women. For example, the Bahrani article
mentions "a recent report" compiled under the auspices of the United Nations in which Iraq
"scored highest in women's empowerment" for that region. (Saddam's motives
are not mentioned. "Advances," such as mandating five years' maternity
leave for women from employers and equal pay with men allowed him both
to curry favor with the West and to regulate the economy.)
Without making a case for or against war, I question PC feminism's
comparative silence on Iraqi women. The Bahrani article reveals one
reason why. It points readers who wish more information to the Iraq
Foundation site, which contradicts
the article by stating: "The rights of women in Iraq are going down
the drain, along with everything else ... In 1998, Saddam ordered all
women secretaries working in government agencies be dismissed. Now there
are new laws barring women from work altogether."
What is the truth of the situation? The horror stories are starting
to mount. On Oct. 4, 2002, seven Iraqi women of different regional,
ethnic and religious backgrounds sat on a panel entitled "The Unheard
Voices of Iraqi Women." They recounted their personal stories of
brutalization under Saddam's regime.
One of the women eloquently stated,
"The Iraqi woman has endured torture, murder, confinement, execution,
and banishment, just like other[s] in Iraqi society at the hands of
Saddam Hussein's criminal gang." She added, "the Iraqi woman has lost
her loved ones -- husbands, brothers and fathers." So much for the notion
that Saddam can massively violate human rights while protecting
those of women.
PC feminism has not ignored such testimony but neither has it embraced
the cause of women in Iraq as it did those in Afghanistan.
Several reasons may underlie this apparent reluctance. A condemnation
of Saddam may be viewed as an admission that Bush is correct on
Iraq. And hatred of Bush
runs deep in most feminist circles.
Moreover, the sheer cost of war with Iraq is seen to threaten funding
to "pro-woman" causes within the United States in a manner that the
Afghanistan conflict did not. This threat was one of two arguments presented
against war with Iraq in NOW's Oct. 10 press release. (The second: Invasion
might disrupt the rights women allegedly enjoy.)
Regarding money, NOW Action Vice President Olga Vives stated: "As has
happened during previous wars, funds will be diverted from ... vitally
needed social programs from an already downsized budget. Women will
bear the greatest burden of any decrease in domestic spending in order
to finance war."
Another source of reluctance could be that condemning Iraq's treatment
of women could raise doubts about the accuracy the United Nations' reports,
such as the one cited by Bahrani. PC feminism is deeply invested in
such U.N. agencies as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination (CEDAW) to which Iraq became a signatory in the '80s.
Activists like Katrin
Michael may force feminism to ask uncomfortable questions. Born
in a Kurdish area of Iraq, Michael survived the infamous chemical attacks
that Saddam used against his own people. Now lobbying in the United
States, she is starting to receive attention from PC feminists.
Perhaps they will realize that to roundly condemn Saddam is not
to argue for war. It simply gives justice to those Iraqi women who can
no longer speak for themselves.
Wendy McElroy
Wendy McElroy is the editor of ifeminists.com.
She is the author and editor of many books and articles, including her
new anthology Liberty
for Women: Freedom and Feminism in the 21st Century
(Ivan R. Dee/Independent Institute, 2002). She lives with her husband
in Canada. Other articles by Wendy McElroy
can be found in the Men's
News Daily archive.